Secularism No Longer Sacrosanct
Christine Ernst puzzles over the role of religion in modern-day Turkey.
Turkey has long been the poster-child of secularism in the Islamic world. Although over 99 per cent of the Turkish population is Muslim, religious observance is strictly a private matter. The Turkish Constitution expressly bans the use of religion for political purposes. This stipulation has enabled a determined, almost aggressive brand of secularism to hold sway throughout the history of the Republic.
Recent events, however, have brought this secular tradition into question.
“The Turkish example is emblematic of the difficulties inherent in reconciling religion and politics.”
First came the spectacular rise of the Justice and Development Party (hereafter the AK Party). The party was re-elected in 2007 with 46.6 per cent of the vote: a landslide in Turkish terms. Although nominally secular, the AK Party has sparked considerable controversy for its Islamic origins and tacitly Islamist policies.
Then, in July this year, a political battle erupted in the courtroom. The AK Party was brought before the Constitutional Court for violating the country’s secular principles. Among the most controversial of the AK Party’s proposals was a plan to reverse the long-standing ban on headscarves at universities.
To the dismay of the secular elite, the Court fell one vote shy of forcing the AK Party to disband. Instead, it issued the party with a “serious warning” about its deference to Islam. The Court also confiscated half of the government’s operating budget.
In many liberal democracies, this tough sanction would be seen as a drastic response to a relatively minor transgression. In Turkey, however, the decision was viewed as a compromise.
To the military, this was a grave disappointment. The military is the self-anointed custodian of Turkey’s secular tradition. In the wake of the Court’s decision, the military’s Chief of the Turkish General Staff, Yasar Buyukanit, declared that “centres of evil” were working to erode secularism in Turkey.
The military has repeatedly accused the AK Party of flagrantly undermining the legacy of the country’s revered founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Ataturk was determined to distinguish Turkey from the Ottoman Empire, which he perceived as being caught in the traditions of the past. In a bold series of reforms, he abolished the Islamic courts, shut down religious orders and brought an end to religious instruction in schools.
Today, however, many Turks are beginning to question whether modernisation is synonymous with secularism.
The rise of the AK Party evidences this. The party stormed to power in 2002 on a platform of social conservatism, economic liberalism and European integration. Crucially, it has garnered the support not only of the conservative middle class, but also of many liberals, who see the headscarf ban as an incursion on freedom of religion.
“Many Turks are beginning to question whether modernisation is synonymous with secularism.”
The Turkish example is emblematic of the difficulties inherent in reconciling religion and politics. To some observers, the inject of religion into Turkish governance heralds a return to a system that sidelines the rights of women and minorities. It also confirms the suspicions of those in the European Union who fear that Turkey is too culturally dissimilar to integrate fully into the European community.
On the other hand, if voters have elected a party with Islamic roots, why should the popular voice not be heeded? From a libertarian perspective, any state that curbs religious freedom is an oppressive one, irrespective of its motives. Moreover, there is little question that religion plays a prominent role in most liberal democracies, despite the formal separation of church and state.
In 1933, Ataturk vowed to set aside “the lethargic mentality of [the] past”. Seven decades later, as parties bicker over the definition of ‘reform’, one thing is still unclear. Is it Ataturk’s detractors, or his followers, who are now afflicted by lethargy?
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